方順生（陳方安生的弟弟）撰文 Brat in the family 談家事、國事－－讀後深感：方召麟如仍健在，會如何看待陳方安生？！
方順生Philip, Fang Shun Sang--陳方安生的弟弟
South China Morning Post刊出文章Brat in the family
有人翻譯放上內地「天涯」網，天涯所據的可能才是英文原文，對比之下SCPM有刪削，只是節錄。兩英、一中版全附上。
！歡迎四傳，千萬別錯過詳細版！
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The writer of this article, Philip, Fang Shun Sang joined the United Nation Secretariat in New York as a simultaneous interpreter in 1971, the same year the UN General Assembly voted overwhelmingly to restore the lawful rights of the People’s Republic of China in the United Nations. In 1979 he was transferred to the United Nations Office in Geneva UNOG, where he served for the next 20 years as a Senior Interpreter and the Chief of the Chinese Interpretation Section. In 1999, he took early retirement in order to help his Mother Fang Zhaolin, the famed grandmaster Chinese artist to prepare for her legacy.
本文作者方順生1971年加入聯合國紐約秘書處，擔任同聲傳譯工作。同年，聯大以絕大多數票通過恢復中華人民共和國在聯合國的合法席位。1979年被派往聯合國日內瓦辦公處(UNOG)。他是資深傳譯兼中文傳譯科科長，在日內瓦服務二十年，於1999年從聯合國提前退休，準備全時間幫助母親國畫大師方召麟女士完成遺志。
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South China Morning Post
http://www.scmp.com/portal/site/SCMP/menuitem.2af62ecb329d3d7733492d9253a0a0a0/?vgnextoid=a659bddd01383310VgnVCM100000360a0a0aRCRD&ss=Hong+Kong&s=News
Brat in the family
Philip Fang denounces the ingratitude displayed by some Hongkongers who enjoy the prosperity powered by their home country's boom but continue to deny Beijing the loyalty and trust that is rightfully due
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Nov 09, 2011
Wang Guangya , head of the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office, has let it be known that the No 1 criterion in the selection of the next chief executive would be patriotism.
Patriotism presupposes loyalty and trust - the bricks and mortar of all lasting human relations. Are Hong Kong people patriotic? The answer is an emphatic "no". Generally, Hong Kong Chinese have no idea of their national identity and heritage, and are loath to identify with their brethren on the mainland. They would rather identify themselves with Taiwanese Chinese, Singaporean Chinese, Australian Chinese and American Chinese. They think they are superior. The mindset that fosters this superiority complex is no mystery; Hong Kong people worship money, power and celebrity. Hong Kong creates no true wealth. It indulges in the culture of money making money.
Back in the 1980s, Hong Kong wages rocketed and production moved across the border. Hong Kong has since been reduced to a service-based economy. Its limited terrain has become its new wealth generator. Today, over 70 per cent of Hong Kong's market capitalisation comes from property and related activities; Hong Kong is one of the most expensive places to live in the world today. This social polarisation has moved the city dangerously close to the red-light signal on the United Nations index measuring social upheaval in the wake of income disparity.
The central government must have confidence that the chief executive can keep things under control in Hong Kong. Normally, the interest of the overwhelming majority of 1.3billion Chinese should have priority but, in the case of Hong Kong, the reverse is true.
Beijing has given Hong Kong people carte blanche to run their own affairs. Hong Kong pays no taxes to the central government, which also picks up the bill for the People's Liberation Army, which ensures the special administrative region's security. Hong Kong's level of taxation is very low compared with other similar economies. Yet, mainland China's "tax pain" ranked second in the world in 2009, according to Forbes. Vice-Premier Li Keqiang , during his recent visit, said Beijing had picked Hong Kong to be China's future centre for overseas renminbi trading. Hong Kong last year ranked third in the world as a recipient of foreign direct investment, according to a UN report, a mesmerising performance considering the SAR's size.
All these good things have happened to Hong Kong and its people because of one reason - their country, China. Hong Kong should ask itself this: "My country has done so much for me, what have I done for it in return?" It's time for the people of Hong Kong to ask themselves whether they have lived up to the expectations of the central government. The way things stand, they have let Beijing down badly. Hongkongers have behaved like spoiled brats cosseted with gifts, perquisites and privileges. Instead of showing their gratitude and appreciation, they have turned on their own country.
Chief Executive Donald Tsang Yam-kuen was right to condemn the recent acts of hooliganism under the guise of free speech and assembly in the Legislative Council. Hong Kong today seems to be used to lawlessness and anarchy. The law must be upheld and the authorities must not go soft on people who take the law into their own hands.
The open defiance of the "Gang of Four" - Anson Chan Fang On-san, Martin Lee Chu-ming, Jimmy Lai Chee-ying and Cardinal Joseph Zen Ze-kiun - and the Civic Party, headed by Audrey Eu Yuet-mee, only points to the urgency for the government and Legco to push through Article 23, under which many of their acts would be considered as endangering state security, that is, sedition. People must be made to understand they are Chinese citizens and subject to Chinese laws and sanctions.
Western precepts of democracy and human rights cannot be applied directly to a country the size of China, which for centuries has evolved around Confucian ethics. In the selection of national development models and priorities, China has always maintained an aloofness from the West. Equanimity and self-reliance have been its hallmark. In money management, the central bank has favoured a conservative and cautious policy. This has enabled China to stay clear of the economic meltdown.
The recent downgrading of the ratings of the US and some euro zone nations shattered the myth that the US Federal Reserve and Wall Street knew better when it came to how to manage money. The world, and Europe in particular at present, is looking to China for help.
As part of a family with a patriotic background, listed as descendents of revolutionary martyrs, I sincerely hope the people of Hong Kong will take to heart the overall interest of their country and people, and ponder Hong Kong's own future.
Philip Fang Shun-sang worked for the United Nations as an interpreter and was chief of the Chinese interpretation section before retiring in 1999
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【解釋：「內地天涯網站」於2011年10月16日便貼出方順生文章，於是，SCMP的2011-11-9可能是後來節錄刊出。未知方文原刊出處。
即是，內地早便有人留意到方順生該文，並翻譯之。貼文者用的標題是：[评论随笔]历史著名爱国方氏家族第三代反思香港人对爱国的看法。
該貼http://www.tianya.cn/publicforum/content/no05/1/213388.shtml
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【批註：以下是比SCMP更多細節，寫來更有味道的版本。下文的中譯以此詳細的英文版為據。】
United Nation Secretariat in New York as a simultaneous interpreter in 1971, the same year the UN General Assembly voted overwhelmingly to restore the lawful rights of the People’s Republic of China in the United Nations. In 1979 he was transferred to the United Nations Office in Geneva UNOG, where he served for the next 20 years as a Senior Interpreter and the Chief of the Chinese Interpretation Section. In 1999, he took early retirement in order to help his Mother Fang Zhaolin, the famed grandmaster Chinese artist to prepare for her legacy.
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